Important study provides context to the concept of sport-for-development

Derrick Charway
Norwegian School of Sport Sciences

The term sport-for-development comes across as a polysemy because it has been used with different perspectives and purposes. As a result, the term has been defined in a variety of ways with claims that are often anecdotal, untested, and fragmented. Many have attributed the popularity of sport-for-development to the late 20th century, with credit going to the United Nations (UN). While it is true that sport-for-development is not a new concept there have not been enough attempts to trace its origins or causal eras.

In this book, The History and Politics of Sport-forDdevelopment: Activists, Ideologues and Reformers, the authors add nuance to the concept by combing through history to examine the interaction between the history of sport and international development. That is, examining sport from the era of industrial capital expansion (that spread from the west) to the contemporary global neo-liberal era.

The book is divided into two parts, Part 1, “The long narrative of Sport-for-Good” (containing chapters 1 to 5) and Part 2, “The institutionalization of sport-for-development” (containing chapters 6 to 11). To provide the reader with an accurate understanding of sport-for-development, each chapter begins with a brief description of the “development context” at particular points in time.

In chapter 1, the authors describe the various terms frequently used to describe sport as a means of development. In this regard, the authors settled on the terms “Sport-for-development” and “Sport for Development and Peace” (SDP) throughout the book. As a first step, the authors present Gramscian theory of hegemony based on historical change and cultural “im(trans)position” in order to theorize sport-for-development. Departing from the imperial era of the 19th century, the authors, in chapter 2, introduce the British public schools’ concept of sport-for-good, which emphasizes social and moral development, as a progenitor of sport-for-development and the International Olympic Committee (IOC). Thence, the authors undertake a critical discussion regarding “muscular Christianity” and “making of men” as reflections of sport-for-good that benefited national and imperial interests.

Further, the authors discuss how the incorporation of social capital into neoliberal policies has led to the establishment of civil societies/NGOs that mobilize social resources (including sport) for development purposes.

The third chapter examines the emergence of international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as well as religious groups and their offshoots like the Young Men’s Christian Associations (YMCAs), the Boy Scouts, and the Boy Scouts of America. Moreover, this chapter highlights the persistence of these groups to propagate sport-for-good ideals both in Britain and abroad. The chapter ends with resistance to imperialist sport-for-good used as a religious lure and its neglect of girls and women. In light of the somewhat successful spread of sport-for-good initiatives to various parts of the world, including an influence on the establishment of the IOC, chapter 4 examines sports diplomacy, humanitarian aid, interventions, and volunteerism during the cold war and post-colonial periods. The authors cite many examples such as the American Peace Corps and sport aids to poor nations emerging from the grips of colonialism. This is to countervail the Soviet Union’s sport aid to countries in Africa, the Caribbean, and South East Asia.

As a sceptre of colonial enterprise and a reinforcer of sport-for-sport’s-sake (in the case of IOC), the sport-for-good initiative faced stiff opposition in the post-colonial era. To illustrate the limits of modernisation in that era, chapter 5 recounts anti-colonial movements against western sport, activism through sport and the promotion of human rights through sport. This chapter highlights the challenges the IOC faced with the Games of the New Emerging Forces (GANEFO); Apartheid in South Africa; Tommie Smith, John Carlos and Peter Norman’s symbolic posture against racism in America; and UNESCO’s adoption of sport and physical education.

In part 2, the authors provide an overview of the early signs and key milestones preceding the institutionalization of SDP. Highlights of chapter 6 include the advent of the neoliberal model of politics in the 1980s, the global push for human rights, emphasis on the Human Development Index (HDI) in the 1990s, and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which all underscore the importance of sport as a significant social resource for development. Further, the authors discuss how the incorporation of social capital into neoliberal policies has led to the establishment of civil societies/NGOs that mobilize social resources (including sport) for development purposes. In this context, social development is considered to be just as, if not more, significant as economic development. According to the authors, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, and the United Nations are essential players to turn focus towards sport-for-development.

Chapter 7 continues with the discussion of sport-for-development growth by exploring the role played by nation-states such as Canada, Cuba, and Norway in its development. A notable example is Norway’s sport-for-all and international sport aid policies of the 1950s through the 1980s that benefited postcolonial African countries such as Tanzania, Malawi, and Zambia. In chapter 9, the authors highlight the role played by prominent athletes as activists, international NGOs, and local NGOs in promoting sport-for-development. To name a few, there are international NGOs like Right To Play (then Olympic Aid) and national/local organizations such as Mathare Youth Sport Association (MYSA) of Kenya, Magic Bus of India, as well as EduSport and Sport in Action (both of Zambia). In chapter ten, the book summarizes how corporations, charities and celebrities have supported sports-for-development initiatives and the work of SDP organizations through corporate social responsibility.

The final chapter highlights sport-for-development deficits like cultural hegemonies that serve the interests of the North. Furthermore, the authors noted that the lack of participation of local SDP NGOs in (inter)national policy setting undermines the effectiveness of SDP. The authors conclude by introducing the 2016 UN Sustainable Development Goals as the new context for sport-for-development. Unlike the MDGs, the SDGs encompass both the Global North and the Global South as well as a partnership between both.

This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in learning more about the interaction between the history of sport and international development. There are many parallels between the contemporary sport-for-development movement and sport-for-good during the imperial period that make this book particularly fascinating. Upon reading this book, one can gain a comprehensive understanding of the current challenges faced by sport-for-development. Despite its broader scope, this book has set the tone for academics and universities to conduct sport-for-development research informed by country-specific sociocultural needs and historical contexts. Lastly, the book provides an adequate historical context for research on sport-for-development in light of recent attention focused on sustainability and the SDGs.

Copyright © Derrick Charway 2023