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    From McDonaldisation to Netflixisation: A Fresh, Global Take on Sport, Culture and Society

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    Mads Skauge
    Nord University, Bodø, Norway


    Grant Jarvie, Paul Widdop & Ross Walker
    Sport, Culture and Society: An Introduction (Fourth Edition)
    634 pages, paperback
    Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge 2026
    ISBN 978-1-03-253367-4

    The authors set out to write an introduction to the global field of sport studies – and they succeed. Textbooks on the intersection of sport and society have become numerous in recent decades. Unfortunately, they look very much alike. Fortunately, this 4th edition of Sport, Culture and Society offers something slightly new, or at least something that is covered to a lesser extent in existing literature.

    Global in scope and historically oriented, a wide range of topics are covered: sport politics, gender, disability and advocacy, race and racism, violence and crime, health and wellbeing, media and digital communication, the environment, religion, poverty and sport for development and peace. Among the contemporary issues discussed are sportswashing, sports management, inclusion and exclusion of transgender athletes, human rights and the Black Lives Matter movement.

    However, as a researcher interested in sport spectators and social capital, I would like to offer some comments on these particular issues in the book. Turning to sport spectators first, sport consumption is of course a key topic. In the book, the starting point seems to be that ‘traditional patterns of sport spectatorship, characterized by linear broadcasting, stadium attendance and geographically bounded fan communities, are being rapidly reshaped by digital technologies, platform economies and changing consumer expectations’ (p. 146). Obviously, every sport organization – ranging from historic football clubs to emerging esports franchises – now operates in an ‘environment where the product is not merely the athletic competition itself, but an extensive ecosystem of content, immersive experiences and engagement opportunities spread across multiple platforms and formats’ (ibid.).

    However, what I find missing is the fact that within this perspective, sport spectators are generally seen as passive consumers of entertainment – as customers within the experience economy.

    Cleverly, the authors suggest a theoretical frame shift from Ritzer’s McDonaldisation or Bryman’s Disneyfication – which helped explain the standardization and commodification of sport consumption in the late twentieth century – towards Amazonation (Ritzer and Miles) or Netflixisation (Chadwick et al.) of sport, which help explain, for example, personalized content delivery, binge consumption patterns and algorithm-driven engagement.

    This shift from McDonaldisation to Netflixisation means that the cultural capital that Bourdieu identified as crucial to social distinction now includes digital literacy and platform access, which in turn includes a complex ecosystem of live streams, social media commentary, fantasy leagues, betting apps and on-demand content.

    This is an interesting read. However, what I find missing is the fact that within this perspective, sport spectators are generally seen as passive consumers of entertainment – as customers within the experience economy. Although this is probably representative of broader developments among the majority of sport spectators, it does not account for tensions and countertrends within this broad development. For example, many football supporters – note that Giulianotti distinguishes supporters from fans – oppose the customer role prescribed by the clubs and the fandom economy.

    An important driver behind this resistance is that sport consumption is not merely entertainment or a pastime, but something deeply rooted in these supporters’ self-identity. The link between consumption and identity work is somewhat missing in the book. Perhaps the 5th edition could include a brief discussion of the distinction between supporters and subscribers.

    Interestingly, a more active involvement and opportunistic attitudes among supporters also emerged indirectly in the chapter on social capital (at the end of part 2). The protests against the Super League in 2021, for example, are used to illustrate how sport brands are rooted in local communities and networks.

    The team from BLAGGS, Brighton LGBT sports society, marching in Brighton’s Pride parade in April 2018 (Shutterstock/Dave Smith 1965)

    The next edition might also further elaborate on the claim that ‘the generational dimension cannot be overstated’ (p. 156). The authors rightly note that younger generations consume sport differently from older generations, in the sense that they consume highlights on social media rather than watching entire games or competitions, especially live in stadiums. What is not addressed is why this is – except that ‘these younger cohorts are often excluded from live performances because of the traditional membership and season ticket schemes, which often place barriers for younger people to access stadiums’ (p. 157).

    However, it remains a bit unclear what kinds of barriers the authors have in mind. Presumably, the barrier in question is economic. This barrier is important, but it does not stand alone. For example, research on young people’s attention spans could be relevant. In a social media world where everything is consumed fast, a game of football for about two hours, for instance, is something slow, and probably not very attractive for consumers accustomed to fast-paced media (‘the fast consumers’).

    When it comes to social capital, I am glad to see that Bourdieu, Coleman, Putnam, Lin and Granovetter are all mentioned, and not least that Putnam himself highlights sports clubs as ideal venues for the production of bridging social capital. That said, I would have liked to see some examples of exactly how such social capital might be produced through sports – for instance the social importance of grassroots sports clubs in local communities, where children from various social backgrounds participate in sports together, but also the networking between the parents.

    At the same time, the relevant examples of how to interpret Putnam’s lens in a changing field of sport, for example where individual gym memberships are replacing organized club sport participation (p. 219), are very important.

    Except for the topics I have discussed so far, part 4 – ‘sport as a resource of hope and the politics of the possible’ is an important contribution as it suggests ways for activism through sport. While the sociological discipline as such has a long tradition of activism (that is, the quest not only to understand society, but also to use that understanding for positive social change), this approach has been rather scarce in the sociology of sport as a discipline. This textbook sets a new agenda for the sociocultural analysis of sport.

    Overall, this textbook is the best of its kind so far for three reasons. First, it draws on research from – and presents examples from – different parts of the world and various sectors of the sports field, making it relevant for students and practitioners worldwide. Second, it covers more topics than any other textbook on the market (although a topic such as sport technology receives scant attention), giving the reader an introduction to the wide range of research topics within the field of sport, culture and society. Third, it sets a new activist agenda for the sociocultural analysis of sport. Regarding the latter: This textbook is also a toolbox for ways to enable mutuality, understanding, dialogue and cooperation – through sport.

    Copyright © Mads Skauge 2026


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